04/10/2009

60th anniversary of People’s Republic: Chinese celebration, Tibetan condemnation

 

01october20091TibetPost-2-10-2009-This morning in China, the overwhelming theme was advanced military technology. With the unveiling of 52 new weapons systems, nuclear submarines, unmanned aerial vehicles, and five new types of missiles including intercontinental ballistic nuclear missiles all bearing the tag "Made in China," Beijing today celebrated the 60th anniversary of The People's Republic. 200,000 soldiers representing the 2.3 million members of the People's Liberation Army, the largest standing army in the world, paraded through the streets of the capital city while fighter jets and airborne bombers cruised overhead to the delight of 180,000 hand-picked ticket holders.

As China celebrated, a coinciding parade organized by four Tibetan NGOs in exile was underway in Dharamsala, though the mood was not so festive. Beginning at the main Tibetan Temple where His Holiness the Dalai Lama offers teachings and holds public audience, approximately 400 protesting monks, nuns, lay Tibetans, and supporting foreigners marched for over two hours through the streets of McLeod Ganj. Carrying Tibetan flags and signs with slogans like "60 Years of Tyranny," "End Autocracy, Democracy Now," "Release All Political Prisoners," many wore black headbands to mark the period of Chinese occupation in Tibet as a dark one. As the protesters careened through the winding streets, chants of "United Nations, we want justice," "Long live the Dalai Lama," and simply "China, China, China - out, out, out!" could be heard over loudspeakers.

01october20092After the protestors completed their circuit and made their way back to the main temple, four speakers from prominent organizations in exile addressed the crowd. Ven. Ngawang Woeber, President of the GuChuSum movement of ex-political prisoners, spoke about how China is celebrating their anniversary by exhibiting their military might - the same power that enabled them to oppress people over the past 60 years by denying basic human rights. He talked about the psychology of fear, and how by keeping military muscle at the forefront of public consciousness, the government is able to subdue its citizens. Finally, he aligned Tibetans with ethnic Uighurs, victims of the Tiananmen Square massace, and other "Chinese" who have been oppressed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

President of the Tibetan Women's Association Kirti Dolkar recited a list of atrocities perpetrated by the CCP upon Tibet since occupation in 1959, including the murder of 1.2 million Tibetans, the destruction of over 60,000 monasteries, and immeasurable damage to the natural environment. "Today we condemn these things."

01october20093In his speech, read from a press release issued by the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, Parliament Speaker Pemba Tsering accused the Chinese government of holding anniversary celebrations in all three Tibetan provinces "to misuse [them] for political propaganda." Meanwhile Tibetans and other ethnic minorities in China have had stricter limitations imposed upon "their movements and activities in order to hide all the destruction caused by deceptive policies."

Last spoke Tsewang Rigzin, President of the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), the largest Tibetan NGO in exile. He announced that the TYC had organized various protests throughout the world today, and that twenty-one Tibetans had already been arrested in New Delhi for protesting at the Chinese embassy there.

Following the speakers, an hour long silence was held in memory of those Tibetans killed under Chinese occupations. Many of the protestors who had worn black headbands during the march now sat with them drawn mournfully over their mouths.

"Destruction of your neighbour is destruction of yourself:" His Holiness

 

01october20096TibetPost-2-10-2009-Exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, speaks to the audience at the conference at the Saddledome in Calgary, Alberta, September 30, 2009. He was speaking at the two-day conference which draws on compassion, connectedness and collaboration to explore the potential of campus-community partnerships. His Holiness the Dalai Lama attended the event as part of his visit to Canada.

As Tibetan spiritual leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama expressed optimism over China's progress in recent years, a group of protesters in Calgary said a more forceful message is needed to prompt change in the Communist country. He said he had "nothing much to say "about the 60th anniversary of Communist China.

His Holiness noted the country has left behind its socialist past in favour of capitalism. He also told reporters that meetings with influential Chinese have left him optimistic about progress in China's attitude toward him and Tibet. "Judging from a wider perspective, things are moving," he said.

Thousands filled the Saddledome on Wednesday to hear a message of compassion and peace from one of the world's most revered spiritual leaders, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso.

Many among the Calgary audience said they were encouraged most by the simple truth of His Holiness' words in his first visit to the city in three decades. "The whole thing was just overwhelming, to see somebody like the Dalai Lama. It was wonderful. It was almost peaceful. It was like he was talking to me, person-to-person," Henrietta MacGregor, 80 told Calgary Herald.

02october20091"I just feel happy. He's awesome," added her granddaughter, Jasmine MacGregor, 12. His Holiness the Dalai Lama enthralled the audience of nearly 15,000 for more than an hour as he described the attitude needed to find both inner and outer peace.

"We are the same human beings. I want a happy life, you want a happy life. On that level we can work together...make a common effort for a better world," the exiled Buddhist leader said.

His Holiness also called for the end of violence and urged peace and compassion among humankind. "Each country heavily interconnected. That is today's reality," he said. "The centuries-old concept of 'we' and 'they' according to this reality are no longer there. We must consider the entire world as a part of 'we.'

The Tibetan leader has met his share of confrontation since he fled Tibet after the Chinese invasion in 1959, with many arguing his political leadership is controversial. When he travels the world, His Holiness said he focuses on a spiritual message of peace prompted by compassion, not fear.

"The destruction of your neighbour is destruction of yourself. The concept of war is out of date." Conflict is inevitable among humankind, he said. But the use of violence and force is outdated and ineffective.

Exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama received an Honorary doctor of Laws degree from the University of Calgary during the conference at the Saddledome in Calgary, Alberta, September 30, 2009.

His Holiness also weared traditional white cowboy hat, native leather mitts and a traditional native eagle feather he received as welcoming gifts at the Calgary airport. The White Hat ceremony is a Calgary tradition reserved for dignitaries and is a symbol of Calgary's hospitality, and the eagle feather is a gift by the natives to only the highest dignitaries.

GuChuSum commemorates Lhasa demonstration of September 27th 1987

 

28september200911Dharamshala: TibetPost-2-10-2009-In remembrance of the demonstration in Lhasa on September 27th 1987, yesterday GuChuSum, the organization of Tibetan ex-political prisoners based in McLeod Ganj, Dharamsala, held its annual commemoration ceremony.

After preliminary morning chanting and prayers at the stupas that line the back of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama's temple, attendees for the ceremony were treated to a breakfast of sweet rice, Tibetan bread, and milk tea. A drum line from the Tibetan's Children Village (TCV) then played the Tibetan national anthem to commence the ceremony. President of GuChuSum Ngawang Woeber asked the world community and peace-loving supporters to put pressure on China to stop ethnic cleansing and the destruction of the Tibetan language and environment. Aligning Tibetans' plight with that of the ethnic Uighurs, he called for the unconditional end of oppression and release of political prisoners.

28september200913Following President Woeber's speech, Chairman of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile Pemba Tsering, the keynote speaker, addressed the audience. "Speaking of behalf of the Tibetan Parliament, I'd like to compliment the achievements and actions of the ex-political prisoners of the GuChuSum movement and those still under Chinese arrest." Acknowledging the "huge debate" in Chinese between liberals and conservatives, he noted, "Unlike in the times of Chairman Mao and Deng, great changes have taken place in Chinese politics, economics, international relations, and military strategy over the last 22 years. Tibetan NGOs must be aware of these changes in order to stage a new approach for the future survival of the Tibetan struggle."

Chairman Tsering announced the release of two new books, "An Undiscouraged Life," a biography of late political prisoner Shamba Pinso who was imprisoned for 25 years, and "An Analysis of Darkness in Tibet for Fifty Years," about the Tibetan environment and modern educational policy under Chinese oppression, both published by GuChuSum. He praised the organization and all honorable work it has done.

Each syllable of the name GuChuSum symbolizes a month with a day of significance in the Tibetan freedom movement, all related to political protests. "Gu" (Tibetan for the number nine and shorthand for September) represents the uprising of September 27, 1987. Six days earlier, His Holiness the Dalai Lama presented his Five Point Peace Plan to the UN, which called for the return of fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms to Tibetans. China responded by categorically denying his requests and conducting mass demonstrations in Lhasa.

28september200912On the morning of September 27th, 21 monks from Drepung Monastery, bearing illegal hand-drawn Tibetan flags, began shouting pro-independence slogans "Tibet is Independent" and "Long Live the Dalai Lama" while circumambulating the Barkhor. Other Tibetans joined them, and after only a few circuits the number of demonstrators had swelled to nearly a thousand. They were soon met by approximately 200 Public Security Bureau officers, however, who immediately arrested the original 21 monks along with 9 lay Tibetans. The crowd was disbanded, and the arrested were ultimately transported to Lhasa Gutsa detention center. While they day's conflict ended without violence, the protest is considered to be of great significant in the Tibetan freedom movement; it was the first political demonstration in the capital city since the Lhasa Uprising of 1959, and catalyst of many others soon to follow.

To conclude the morning's service, those in attendance were encouraged to participate in tsampa tossing, an offering of good tidings and congratulations. Later in the day, GuChuSum volunteers collected signatures for petitions calling for the immediate release of Tibetan political prisoners from Chinese prisons and detention centers, and held a candlelight vigil that ended back at the Dalai Lama's temple.

China conducts second anti-terror drill in past week in Tibetan capital Lhasa

 

29september20092Dharamshala: TibetPost-2-10-2009-This morning, the occupying Chinese army in Tibet conducted the second of two anti-terror drills in the past week to safeguard against a "criminal gang" plotting a large scale explosion in Tibetan capital Lhasa. Officials said that holding such simulated attacks would enhance police and military personnel's ability to handle emergencies and bolster their determination and self-confidence, effectively maintaining social stability in the Tibetan Autonomous Region.

As China prepares for the 60th anniversary of The People's Republic, ensuring national unity and the reunification of the motherland is a top priority, officials claim.

According to Global Post news updated on 29 September, "Armed military details are stationed at every street corner 24/7, six-troop patrols march up and down the lanes of the old town in synchronized step, and watchmen stand sentry on rooftops adjacent to all sensitive zones like the Ramoche and Jokhang temples, two of the most sacred sites in Lhasa city as well as the focal points for past protests."

03/04/2009

Nominees for next prime minister of Tibet Government. in exile

Mr Lobsang Phuntsok Photo: File/photo Dharamshala: TibetPost-02-April-2009-Tibetan democracy in exile differs from that in other democratic nations, the parliament in exile is not formed by multi-political parties.  Now, as the current prime minister’s term comes to a close, there is considerable discussion about who will succeed him, the majority of Tibetan people in exile still no nominees conformed about the next Tibetan prime minister.  The third successive civil servant to hold the post will also be directly elected by the people since establishing the new election system.  

Mr Lobsang Phuntsok, a Tibetan residing in Canada submitted to The Tibet Post 10 of his nominees for next prime minister.  Within the last year a private website: www.kalontripa.org, documenting the search for nominees for the next prime minister, has been launched.   Currently the website does not catalog any nominees from the people.

To resolve the Tibet issue Mr. Lobsang  sights the election of the next prime minister as critically important’ “I think the nominees for the next prime minister should not come from the Tibetan Youth Congress, and  it would be advantageous  if the candidate was born post 1950s.”
Lobsangs nominees for the third, directly elected Tibetan prime minster (Kalon Tripa) are:
1.    Lobsang Saigay       USA
2.    Nangyal Tsering      Australia
3.    Jamyang Dorjee      India
4.    Ngawang Dorjee     India
5.    Thuptenn Samdup   Canada
6.    Tsegyam                  India
7.    Tenzin Choeden      North America
8.    Bhuchung Tsering    USA
9.    Lobsang Nyendak    USA
10.  Konchok Tsondue    India

In the past 50 years Tibetan democracy has developed considerably, and the people’s knowledge and participation in the democratic process is increasing, including ever growing voting rates, and various kinds of workshops are given by government and non government organizations.

China frequently claims that the Tibetan government in exile is still ruled by theocratic principals, and that the Tibetan government aims to continue serfdom.   If this claim is well founded or if it is propaganda, the international community, including European countries, United States, New Zealand, Japan, and India, must discern for themselves based upon their knowledge of the Tibetan Issue and the  Tibetan people’s self determination and desire for genuine democratic.

The question of who will serve as the incumbent Prime Minister is an essential juggernaut in attempting to discern the future of the Tibet issue. The dearth of nominees is concerning especially considering the volatile atmosphere in which he will take office.  The nominee must be awakened to the responsibility placed upon whoever is to become prime minister, as His Holiness the Dalai Lama will be in his 80s during his time of service.

Tibetan monk murdered in Drakgo County Chinese authorities then stage his suicide

Chinese military force in Tibet: Photo: AP Dharamshala: TibetPost-2-April-2009- A 27-year-old Tibetan monk, Phuntsok Rabten, was beaten to death by Chinese police on 25 March in Drakgo County of Sichuan Province (Luhuo Country in Chinese).  While there is some controversy over the exact details of the monk’s death, it appears that he was seen posting flyers that urged Tibetans to stop tending their fields or cultivating their crops to protest the Chinese repression and ill-treatment of Tibetans.  The monk was severely beaten and died at the scene.  Chinese authorities tossed his body over a cliff in an effort to conceal the true means of his death.

Konchog Norbu, a former resident of Drango Country who now lives in South India, said in a report that a group of Drango monks took up the matter with police upon recovering the monk’s body.  The authorities refused to take responsibility for the murder of the monk.   

The monk’s leaflet was reported to urge the Tibetans to forego tending their fields as a mark of respect, “and to express our solidarity” with “our brothers and sisters who were tortured, injured, detained and killed in the last year's peaceful demonstration” even “if we die of hunger and starvation”. The leaflet was reported to warn, “If anyone … still goes on to plant crops in fields and harvest them, I will come with a black scarf to greet them."

On 30 March, the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy based in Dharamshala, said that Phuntsok had posted his seven-page leaflet in a number of public places, including walls of a branch office of the Drango police headquarters, on the local Shara Thang-do Bridge, and on trees lining roads and highways.  He was caught while posting the flyers on the walls of an automobile service center.   

As police came to arrest him, the monk reportedly sped away on a motorbike, but was caught when he could no longer climb up a hill. He was severely beaten on the spot and died shortly afterwards, the report said. Eyewitnesses are reported to have seen that the monk’s body bore bruises and cuts indicating that he was beaten to death.

That same day, police also arrested two other monks in Drango County. They too had urged farmers to stop working the land as a sign of protest.  In addition, police arrested about 20 protesting farmers two days later, beating 11 of them so badly that they had to be hospitalized.

Another report said that a team of Chinese security forces arrived at Draggo Township on Mar 26 and 27, carrying sacks of fertilizers, and ordered the Tibetans to use them on their land.  These actions taken on the part of the Chinese Government can be uncannily likened to the forced celebration of the Tibetan New Year (Losar) in Tibet when the Tibetans were urged not to celebrate the holiday as a means of protesting the Chinese occupation in solidarity.     

Another report said that others had been arrested in connection with the farming boycott campaign, including monks Olu and Thubten of the Minyak monastery in Draggo, both held on Mar 25, and Paga (son of Tseten Dolma), held on Mar 23. It said that men in six villages in Draggo all “escaped into the hills” to avoid detention after being severely beaten by police.

There can be no doubt that whatever controversy remains concerning the facts of the incidents in Draggo County are connected to limited media access in the area, and many other areas of Tibet.  Journalists have been restricted from most areas in Tibet and members of the Tibetan media in the country run the risk of having their work banned and being heavily punished by Chinese authorities.

16/01/2007

History of Tibet before the Chinese Invasion of 1949

Tibet has a history dating back over 2,000 years. A good starting point in analyzing the country's status is the period referred to as Tibet's "imperial age", when the entire country was first united under one ruler. There is no serious dispute over the existence of Tibet as an independent state during this period. Even China's own historical records and the treaties Tibet and China concluded during that period refer to Tibet as a strong state with whom China was forced to deal on a footing of equality.

 

At what point in history, then, did Tibet cease to exist as a state to become an integral part of China? Tibet's history is not unlike that of other states. At times, Tibet extended its influence over neighboring countries and peoples and, in other periods, came itself under the influence of powerful foreign rulers - the Mongol Khans, the Gorkhas of Nepal, the Manchu emperors and the British rulers of India.

 

It should be noted, before examining the relevant history, that international law is a system of law created by states primarily for their own protection. As a result, international law protects the independence of states from attempts to destroy it and, therefore, the presumption is in favor of the continuation of statehood. This means that, whereas an independent state that has existed for centuries, such as Tibet, does not need to prove its continued independence when challenged, a foreign state claiming sovereign rights over it needs to prove those rights by showing at what precise moment and by what legal means they were acquired.

 

China's present claim to Tibet is based entirely on the influence that Mongol and Manchuk emperors exercised over Tibet in the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries, respectively.

 

As Genghis Khan's Mongol Empire expanded toward Europe in the west and China in the east in the thirteenth century, the Tibetan leaders of the Sakya school of Tibetan Buddhism concluded an agreement with the Mongol rulers in order to avoid the otherwise inevitable conquest of Tibet. They promised political allegiance and religious blessings and teachings in exchange for patronage and protection. The religious relationship became so important that when Kublai Khan conquered China and established the Yuan dynasty, he invited the Sakya Lama to become the Imperial Preceptor and supreme pontiff of his empire.

 

The relationship that developed and still exists today between the Mongols and Tibetans is a reflection of the close racial, cultural and especially religious affinity between the two Central Asian peoples. To claim that Tibet became a part of China because both countries were independently subjected to varying degrees of Mongol control, as the PRC does, is absurd. The Mongol Empire was a world empire; no evidence exists to indicate that the Mongols integrated the administration of China and Tibet or appended Tibet to China in any manner. It is like claiming that France should belong to England because both came under Roman domination, or that Burma became a part of India when the British Empire extended its authority over both territories.

 

This relatively brief period of foreign domination over Tibet occurred 700 years ago. Tibet broke away from the Yuan emperor before China regained its independence from the Mongols with the establishment of the native Ming dynasty. Not until the eighteenth century did Tibet once again come under a degree of foreign influence.

 

The Ming dynasty, which ruled China from I368 to I644, had few ties to and no authority over Tibet. On the other hand, the Manchus, who conquered China and established the Qing dynasty in the seventeenth century, embraced Tibetan Buddhism as the Mongols had and developed close ties with the Tibetans. The Dalai Lama, who had by then become the spiritual and temporal ruler of Tibet, agreed to become the spiritual guide of the Manchu emperor. He accepted patronage and protection in exchange. This "priest-patron" relationship, which the Dalai Lama also maintained with numerous Mongol Khans and Tibetan nobles, was the only formal tie that existed between the Tibetans and Manchus during the Qing dynasty. It did not, in itself, affect Tibet`s independence.

 

On the political level, some powerful Manchu emperors succeeded in exerting a degree of influence over Tibet. Thus, between I720 and I792 the Manchu emperors Kangxi, Yong Zhen and Qianlong sent imperial troops into Tibet four times to protect the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people from foreign invasion or internal unrest. It was these expeditions that provided them with influence in Tibet. The emperor sent representatives to the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, some of whom successfully exercised their influence, in his name, over the Tibetan government, particularly with respect to the conduct of foreign relations. At the height of Manchu power, which lasted a few decades, the situation was not unlike that which can exist between a superpower and a neighboring satellite or protectorate. The subjection of a state to foreign influence and even intervention in foreign or domestic affairs, however significant this may be politically, does not in itself entail the legal extinction of that state. Consequently, although some Manchu emperors exerted considerable influence over Tibet, they did not thereby incorporate Tibet into their empire, much less China.

 

Manchu influence did not last for very long. It was entirely ineffective by the time the British briefly invaded Tibet in I904, and ceased entirely with the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in I9II, and its replacement in China by a native republican government. Whatever ties existed between the Dalai Lama and the Qing emperor were extinguished with the dissolution of the Manchu Empire.

 

1911 - 1950

 

From I911 to I950, Tibet successfully avoided undue foreign influence and behaved, in every respect, as a fully independent state. The I3th Dalai Lama emphasized his country's independent status externally, in formal communications to foreign rulers, and internally, by issuing a proclamation reaffirming Tibet's independence and by strengthening the country's defenses. Tibet remained neutral during the Second World War, despite strong pressure from China and its allies, Britain and the U.S.A. The Tibetan government maintained independent international relations with all neighboring countries, most of whom had diplomatic representatives in Lhasa.

 

The attitude of most foreign governments with whom Tibet maintained relations implied their recognition of Tibet's independent status. The British government bound itself not to recognize Chinese suzerainty or any other rights over Tibet unless China signed the draft Simla Convention of I9I4 with Britain and Tibet, which China never did. Nepal's recognition was confirmed by the Nepalese government in I949, in documents presented to the United Nations in support of that governments application for membership.

 

The turning point in Tibet's history came in I949, when the People's Liberation Army of the PRC first crossed into Tibet. After defeating the small Tibetan army, the Chinese government imposed the so-called "I7-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet" on the Tibetan government in May I951. Because it was signed under duress, the agreement was void under international law. The presence of 40,000 troops in Tibet, the threat of an immediate occupation of Lhasa and the prospect of the total obliteration of the Tibetan state left Tibetans little choice.

 

It should be noted that numerous countries made statements in the course of UN General Assembly debates following the invasion of Tibet that reflected their recognition of Tibet's independent status. Thus, for example, the delegate from the Philippines declared: "It is clear that on the eve of the invasion I950, Tibet was not under the rule of any foreign country." The delegate from Thailand reminded the assembly that the majority of states "refute the contention that Tibet is part of China." The US joined most other UN members in condemning the Chinese "aggression" and "invasion" of Tibet.

 

In the course of Tibet's 2,000-year history, the country came under a degree of foreign influence only for short periods of time in the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries. Few independent countries today can claim as impressive a record. As the ambassador for Ireland at the UN remarked during the General Assembly debates on the question of Tibet,"[f]or thousands of years, or for a couple of thousand years at any rate, [Tibet] was as free and as fully in control of its own affairs as any nation in this Assembly, and a thousand times more free to look after its own affairs than many of the nations here."

 

From a legal standpoint, Tibet has to this day not lost its statehood. It is an independent state under illegal occupation. Neither China's military invasion nor the continuing occupation has transferred the sovereignty of Tibet to China. As pointed out earlier, the Chinese government has never claimed to have acquired sovereignty over Tibet by conquest. Indeed, China recognizes that the use or threat of force (outside the exceptional circumstances provided for in the UN Charter), the imposition of an unequal treaty or the continued illegal occupation of a country can never grant an invader legal title to territory. Its claims are based solely on the alleged subjection of Tibet to a few of China's strongest foreign rulers in the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries. If other countries were to make such tenuous claims based on their imperial past, how seriously would they be taken? Are we not, in even considering the merits of China's arguments, accepting the right of powerful modern rulers to invade foreign countries in order to recreate lost empires of their ancestors?

 

Michael C. van Walt is an international legal scholar and a board member of the International Campaign for Tibet. Reprinted from the Cultural Survival Quarterly. Vol.12 1988 Number 1