The Secret Tibet (The Forbidden world)

(The Tibet Post International 15 November 2008)-Ever since peaceful protests erupted in Tibet, starting from 10th March 2008, the Chinese government used the state's full force on the peaceful demonstrators through varies means and ways such as: arbitrary arrests, detentions, brutal tortures and conviction of many to imprisonment without due process of law.

According to a reliable Tibetan from inside Tibet, who broke out and explained emphasized that only above a mere fifty percent of news reach out to the Free world. New cases of arbitrary convictions are as follows:

1)         On 11th November, Three monks from Thangkor Sogtsang Monastery namely: Tsultrim Gyatso aged 35, Tsultrim Jungney aged 29 and Thubten alias Lobsang Thubten aged 25 were sentenced 2 years of imprisonment for taking part in the Peaceful Demonstration in March this year by Dzod-ge District People's Court of Ngaba Autonomous Region were decided to shift to Men-Young in Sichuan Province.

2)         On 5th November, a group of security personals of Dzod-ge district came to Thangkor Sogtsang Monastery and interrogated the recently released group of 16 monks. They also took a picture with them. Indication of surveillance and restrictions on the monks still continues as quarters for the district police and some of its related employees are being built in the monastery premises.

3)         In our press release dated11th November, we have stated that on 6th November Dartsedo People's Court sentenced a nun whose name is still unknown from Karze region and Pema Choetso from Badhe Gang Drongpa of Karze Region were given 4 years each of imprisonment and an announcement to pass similar judgment were circulated and put on the walls for public notice. Their detailed names are nun Lhatruk alias Lhakpa Choetso aged 24 from Drak-kar Nunnery of Karze District and Richen Dorjee's daughter Pema Choetso alias Paepae who was previously a nun of the same nunnery were sentenced 2 years of imprisonment on 7th April for taking part in the recent Peaceful Demonstration.

4)         Around 5th November, monk Tsewang Drakpa from Jangdha of Drag-go district was sentenced 5 years, monk Thubten Gyatso from Tawu was sentenced 4 years and monk Jangsem Nyima alias Karma Choephel from Zatoe district of Yulshul region,Tso-Ngon province was sentenced 3 years by the court of Dartsedo for   taking part in Peaceful Demonstration on 6th June this in Drag-go District. They have distributed a number of documents on the paper with national emblem snow lion picture.

5)      On 14th May, Bumgha from Kham Ghojo of Serta district was sentenced 6 years of imprisonment from Dhartsedo court for taking part in the peaceful demonstration recently.

6)      Tashi Woeser from Chamdo was sentenced 1 year for allegedly asking when Tibet is getting Independence to his relative in Lhasa through phone. The call was heard by the security personal.

In selecting those able to attend the special meeting, current and former members of the Tibetan Parliament in Action (TPiE) and other high ranking officials were given appropriate priority.  However, a large portion was delegated to lower ranking non-elected government employees, with only about 20% allotted to non-government Tibetans.  Sadly, as well over 95% of the Tibetan people are unable to vote, the mandate of the parliament is at best unclear, and perhaps the greatest number of objective or new ideas will not be heard. 

Therefore, it is critical to ensure that adequate opportunities exist for the voice of the Tibetan people, and for useful ideas and advice from concerned non-Tibetans, to be heard.  His Holiness the Dalai Lama has called for all "people to take the responsibility, (to) take a keen interest in the matter and…come up with the ways and means, as well as the practical actions, for the realization of our cherished goal."

We call for a greater number of non-governmental representatives from critical organizations such as the Tibetan Youth Congress and the Woman's Association to be allowed to attend or at least observe the Special Meeting.  Ideas should be gathered directly from those within Tibet.  Testimony must be taken from concerned non-Tibetans with expertise in non-violent resistance.  As the His Holiness the Dalai Lama noted, "this matter cannot be decided all at once by the convening of such an extensive meeting."  Additional steps must be laid out to continue an open dialogue and to add new information to the decision-making process.  Media representation is limited and should be opened up to increase the transparency not just of the outcome, but of the decision-making process itself.

…And the Future of Tibetan Democracy

This is part of a fundamental issue:  His Holiness the Dalai Lama has called for greater Tibetan democracy and indicated that the next His Holiness the Dalai Lama might be chosen instead of reincarnated or that the Tibetan people might choose to not have another Dalai Lama.  This uncertainty leads to confusion…

For over half a century, the Tibetan people have relied almost exclusively on the benevolence and guidance of H.H the Dalai Lama, who has risen to the challenge and brought the Tibetan people into the 21st Century.  But His Holiness the Dalai Lama is getting older; that time, and that grace, is limited.  Despite the desire for greater democracy, the reality is that the Tibetan Constitution vests sole discretionary power in the political office of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama.  This must be looked at carefully and a decision reached as to how to separate the political and religious duties of His Holiness, as he has promised would happen if Tibet became free, and would likely be necessary to bring meaningful democracy to the Tibetan people.

His Holiness cannot carry the burden and responsibility of the Tibetan issue by himself or forever;  the mantle must be passed in good order to the next generation to carry forward.  If the traditional method is followed of waiting for the reincarnation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to be identified and educated, another twenty years or more will pass, and in that time the Chinese will have completed its cultural genocide of the Tibetan people and rape of the fatherland.  Time is running out.  The larger issue at hand to grasp is for the members of the Special Meeting to engage in open dialogue as to how to create a more meaningful democracy and prepare for the transition to the next generation.

(The Tibet Post International 13 November 2008)-It is with great respect and admiration that I offer you the following thoughts.  I am but an insignificant person who wishes to speak at this time, and if only one iota of this is useful, then it will be worth it.

For over half a century you have consistently stated your “sincere hope that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of common interests.”  However, the Chinese government remains intransigent on the issue of Tibet and continues to demonize you personally.   It is understandable but with great sadness that you have recently stated "I have been sincerely pursuing the middle way approach in dealing with China for a long time now but there hasn't been any positive response from the Chinese side…As far as I'm concerned I have given up."

In your wisdom you recognize that “it appears that my continuing to hold on to this position is creating obstacles to the Tibet problem, rather than helping to resolve it…I see no useful purpose being served by my continuing to take up this responsibility…All the people should take responsibility, should take a keen interest in the matter and should come up with the ways and means, as well as practical actions, for the realization of our cherished goal.”

While I profess no special knowledge of Buddhism, you have made it clear to me through your words that Buddhism is based on, and you thrive on, discussion and rigorous thought:  it “teaches us to seek enlightenment through reasoning and experience.”  So I would like to take a closer look at your goals and means to see if they are still appropriate, and if a new tact is available within your thoughts.

You and the Tibetan government are committed to a path of non-violence. “Even in my own struggle for the rights and greater freedom of the Tibetan people, these values continue to guide my commitment to pursuing a non-violent path.”  Staying on that path is critical as there is no other compassionate way. In order to follow that path, we must understand it.

Mahatma Gandhi famously led Indians in a non-violent protest of the British-imposed salt tax in 1930, drawing worldwide attention to the Indian independence movement through extensive newspaper and newsreel coverage.  Although Salt Satyagraha did not result in direct progress toward independence for India, world opinion increasingly began to recognize the legitimacy of the claims, and ultimately, in conjunction with other world circumstances, led to Indian independence in 1947.  This success later influenced the pre-eminent pacifists of our time:

The Anti-Apartheid Movement began in 1959 with the request “We are not asking you, the British people, for anything special. We are just asking you to withdraw your support from apartheid by not buying South African goods.”  By 1966 it shifted toward spearheading an international campaign against apartheid under the auspices of the United Nations.  "The strategy was to press for a range of measures to isolate the regime, support the liberation movement and inform world public opinion; to continue pressing for effective sanctions as the only means for a peaceful solution, and at the same time to obtain action on other measures which could be decided by a majority vote in the General Assembly; to isolate the major trading partners of South Africa by persuading other Western countries to co-operate in action to the greatest feasible extent; and to find ways to promote public opinion and public action against apartheid, especially in the countries which were the main collaborators with the South African regime. We built the broadest support for each measure, thereby welcoming co-operation rather than alienating governments and organizations which were not yet prepared to support sanctions."  In 1990, unable to withstand the economic and social isolation, the South African government buckled and apartheid was abolished.

Cesar Chavez organized his campaign of nonviolence to protest the treatment of farms workers in California in the 1960s and encouraged all Americans to boycott table grapes as a show of support. The strike lasted five years and attracted national attention.  A sales decline of only 15% wiped out the growers’ profits, resulting in dialogue to gain significant worker’s rights and wages.

Martin Luther King Jr. recognized that organized, nonviolent protest against southern segregation would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights.  Beginning with the Montgomery Bus Boycott, his movement ultimately led to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and ultimately paved the way that allowed the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States.

What is common to all of these examples is that the organizers brought significant economic pressure to bear in order to enact legitimate social change.  Again: ECONOMIC sanctions for SOCIAL change…

You have struggled for so long, based on your faith in humanity, but with no real leverage against a rising nation…until a certain set of circumstances has begun to unfold.  The eyes of the world were once again forced to look at Tibet as a result of demonstrations at the Olympic Games.   As you have noted, “China is emerging as a powerful country due to her great economic progress.”  While that is true it is also her Achilles’  heel.  We are coming into times of great change.   The world is in economic turmoil and looking for new hope and direction as America has elected its new leader.

The only way to get China to bend is by going directly at her strength – her economy.  It is the only reason she is powerful.  But she has suffered great loss of face recently – lead paint on toys, melamine in the food, the most polluting country on earth – and with it, trust in China has diminished.  The economic downturn is already forcing the closing of Chinese factories, and with it social unrest rises.  This creates a crisis in China, and crisis creates an opportunity for you:  ironically, the Chinese character for Crisis is composed of Danger and Crucial Point or Opportunity.  The country that has, unwittingly, allowed China to become so powerful by buying its cheap goods in great quantities, is the United States.  But her citizens do not want to buy toxic junk and in recession can no longer afford to buy goods in mass.  Hence, we have the makings for a perfect economic storm in which China is vulnerable.

As you have noted, “this is precisely the time that the United States must increase its support to those efforts that help bring greater peace, understanding and harmony between peoples and cultures. As a champion of democracy and freedom, you must continue to ensure the success of those endeavours aimed at safeguarding basic human rights in the world.”

Now is the time that much economic pressure could be brought to bear on China regarding human rights issues via a multi-pronged non-violent attack:

1 – Send Tibetan envoys, including former political prisoners, to speak directly to the American public about the tortures they were subjected to, and that the repression continues.  In the West, the Tibetan issue has become intellectualized as one of many political problems in the world.  But at its core it is fundamentally a human rights issue, and it is far more powerful to hear the stories of abuse firsthand from a former political prisoner, than it is to say “Free Tibet!”.

2 – Begin a “Boycott China for Tibet” initiative through the American university system in which students and all other Americans are encouraged to buy goods from countries other than China.  American consumerism is already on the downswing; it would be a small thing to ask, and history teaches us that even a small response could yield big results.

3 – Enlist the support of American corporations who are already moving their manufacturing facilities out of China, or would consider doing so in face of consumer opposition to their goods.

4 –Meet with President-elect Barack Obama to continue the dialogue begun with the Congress, and although his hands would be tied and unable to directly support a boycott, encourage him to promote a Made in America program to rebuild America’s manufacturing - this is in the United States’ economic and national security interests, and in line with your interests.

5 -  Make a personal graphic presentation of current human rights abuses before the General Assembly of the United Nations, and in demanding  a reaffirmation of its resolutions 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959, 1723 (XVI) of 20 December 1961, and 2079 (XX) of 21 October 1965, reaffirm that “In view of the ongoing critical situation inside Tibet, (and the recent stonewalling by China before the United Nations Committee Against Torture), we urge the United Nations, the International communities and organizations to call upon the leadership of Peoples' Republic of China to urgently follow "Convention against Torture and other cruel, inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment" and to implement the following:

1.    To immediately send an independent international fact-finding mission into Tibet.
2.    To allow unfettered access to free press in whole of Tibet.
3.    To immediately stop the brutal arrest, detention and killing in the whole of Tibet.
4.    To immediately release all the innocent arrested and imprisoned Tibetans.
5.    To immediately stop the unfair trail and unjustified conviction of peaceful demonstrators.”
6.    To immediate stop all cultural genocide with Tibet.
7.    To restore true autonomy to the people of Tibet according to the “Middle Way”.
8.    To demilitarize Tibet.

This type of direct economic and political offensive would be a different tact for you, but the old way seems to have no leverage.  As you have noted, “The Chinese government severely criticizes me when I raise questions about the welfare of the Tibetan people before the international community.  Until we reach a mutually beneficial solution, I have a historical and moral responsibility to continue to speak out freely on their behalf.”  There is little to lose in changing courses at this time, as your community approaches the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day.  Otherwise, the potential for increased frustration and violence rises tremendously.

You have stated that "the issue of Tibet is not the issue of the Dalai Lama alone. It is the issue of six million Tibetans. I have asked the Tibetan government-in-exile, as a true democracy in exile, to decide in consultation with the Tibetan people the future course of action."  Although you feel that “the final or actual decision must made by the Tibetan people”, the truth is that the Tibetan people, and indeed the entire world, look to you for guidance and will, for all practical purposes, follow your advice.  At this moment in history, you cannot escape from that.  In order to return to your desired life as a simple monk, will have to initiate a new path for others to pick up your mantle and follow.

With deep respect

(The Tibet Post International 10 November 2008) BEIJING—Zhu Weiqun, executive Vice Minister of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) United Front Work Department, spoke about the eighth round of talks between Chinese leadership and the Tibetan delegation at a press conference held by Chinese State Council Information Office earlier this morning.  

Zhu said that during the meetings between China and the Tibetan delegation led by His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy Lodi Gyaltsen “the atmosphere remained frank and sincere,” but that the meeting “failed to make progress and [the Tibetan delegation] should assume full responsibility for it.” The Tibetan delegation has yet to issue its own statement on the outcome of the meeting.

The Tibetan delegation travelled to Beijing on 30 October to present Chinese leadership with a memorandum defining a meaningful autonomy for the Tibetan people. But China is unwilling to compromise its position. “The unification of the motherland, territorial integrity and national dignity are the greatest interests of the Chinese people,” said Zhu. “We will never make a concession.”

Zhu went on to say that the memorandum presented by the Tibetan delegation aimed at “revising the constitution so that this separatist group could actually possess the power of an independent state," and would give non-Tibetans less rights.

A special meeting of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan officials in exile is expected to take place in Dharamsala, India on 17 November to discuss future approaches towards negotiations with China.  The Tibetan delegation is expected to issue an official statement after this meeting. Up to this point the Dalai Lama has maintained a “middle ground” approach for autonomy towards China, despite protests and demonstrations by many Tibetans for a free and independent Tibet. China has continually rejected the Dalai Lama’s demand for a meaningful autonomy as a form of “covert independence."

(The Tibet Post International 12 November 2008)-(Tibet.net 12 November) Dharamsala—Chinese lawyer Zhu Jiuhu expressed his support of meaningful autonomy for Tibet during a trial in Chengdu on 5 November. Zhu was defending Chen Daojun, Chinese writer charged with inciting separatist activities.

In his statement, Zhu said, “His Holiness clearly said he is seeking a meaningful regional autonomy for Tibet within the framework of the People’s Republic of China and not separation of Tibet.” He shares the Dalai Lama’s concern over the protection of Tibetan culture, language, and Tibet’s fragile ecosystem, and said the only way these can be protected is under a genuine Tibetan autonomy.

He said His Holiness Dalai Lama’s appeal for meaningful and genuine regional national autonomy is consistent with the Chinese constitution and Deng Xiaoping’s policy to accord real regional national autonomy to all ethnic minority regions.

Condemning the Chinese government for making baseless allegations against His Holiness the Dalai Lama following the peaceful protests in Tibet in March this year, Zhu said the international community including governments around the world widely supported that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is seeking genuine autonomy and not independence.

Chinese dissident writer Zhao Dagong praised Zhu’s willingness and courage to openly advocate the His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s positions.

Earlier, Chinese intellectuals and lawyers have expressed similar views supporting genuine autonomy for Tibet and asked the Chinese government to resolve the issue of Tibet through meaningful dialogue.

Attorney Zhu Jiuhu is well known for his human rights defense work. In 2005, he faced illegal imprisonment for 5 years for assisting Gao Zhisheng during a case on oil field in northern Shaanxi province.