The Secret Tibet (The Forbidden world)

His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet
October 17th, 2007

His Holiness the Dalai Lama addresses the audience during the Congressional Gold Medal Awards Ceremony in the United States Capitol Rotunda. Photo: Sonam Zoksang/ICT

President Bush, Speaker Pelosi, Senator Byrd, my fellow Laureate Elie Wiesel, Honorable Members of Congress, Brothers and Sisters.

It is a great honor for me to receive the Congressional Gold Medal. This recognition will bring tremendous joy and encouragement to the Tibetan people, for whom I have a special responsibility. Their welfare is my constant motivation and I always consider myself as their free spokesperson. I believe that this award also sends a powerful message to those many individuals who are dedicated to promoting peace, understanding and harmony.

On a personal note, I am deeply touched that this great honor has been given to me, a Buddhist monk born of a simple family from the remote Amdo region of Tibet. As a child I grew up under the loving care of my mother, a truly compassionate woman. And after my arrival in Lhasa at the age of four, all the people around me, my teachers and even the housekeepers, taught me what it means to be kind, honest, and caring. It is in such an environment that I grew up. Later my formal education in Buddhist thought exposed me to concepts such as interdependence and the human potential for infinite compassion. It is these that gave me a profound recognition of the importance of universal responsibility, nonviolence, and inter-religious understanding. Today, it is a conviction in these values that gives me the powerful motivation to promote basic human values. Even in my own struggle for the rights and greater freedom of the Tibetan people, these values continue to guide my commitment to pursuing a nonviolent path.

I have had the honor to be in this hall once before when I visited your country in 1991. Many of the faces that welcomed me then, I can see today, which gives me great joy. Many have retired and some are sadly no longer with us. However, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize their kindness and contribution. Our American friends have stood with us in the most critical of times and under most intense pressure.

Mr. President, thank you for your strong support, and for the warm friendship that Mrs. Bush and you have extended to me personally. I am deeply grateful to you for your sympathy and support for Tibet, and your firm stand on religious freedom and the cause of democracy.

Madam Speaker, you have not only extended an unwavering support to me and the just cause of the Tibetan people, you have also worked hard to promote the cause of democracy, freedom and the respect for human rights in other parts of the world. For this, I would like to offer my special thanks.

The consistency of American support for Tibet has not gone unnoticed in China. Where this has caused some tension in the US-China relations, I feel a sense of regret. Today, I wish to share with you all my sincere hope that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of common interests.

Today we watch China as it rapidly moves forward. Economic liberalization has led to wealth, modernization and great power. I believe that today's economic success of both India and China, the two most populated nations with long history of rich culture, is most deserving. With their new-found status, both of these two countries are poised to play important leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfill this role, I believe it is vital for China to have transparency, rule of law and freedom of information. Much of the world is waiting to see how China's concepts of "harmonious society" and "peaceful rise" would unfold. Today's China, being a state of many nationalities, a key factor here would be how it ensures the harmony and unity of its various peoples. For this, the equality and the rights of these nationalities to maintain their distinct identities are crucial.

With respect to my own homeland Tibet, today many people, both from inside and outside, feel deeply concerned about the consequences of the rapid changes taking place. Every year, the Chinese population inside Tibet is increasing at an alarming rate. And, if we are to judge by the example of the population of Lhasa, there is a real danger that the Tibetans will be reduced to an insignificant minority in their own homeland. This rapid increase in population is also posing serious threat to Tibet's fragile environment. Being the source of many of Asia's great rivers, any substantial disturbance in Tibet's ecology will impact the lives of hundreds of millions. Furthermore, being situated between India and China, the peaceful resolution of the Tibet problem also has important implications for lasting peace and friendly relation between these two great neighbors.

On the future of Tibet, let me take this opportunity to restate categorically that I am not seeking independence. I am seeking a meaningful autonomy for the Tibetan people within the People's Republic of China. If the real concern of the Chinese leadership is the unity and stability of PRC, I have fully addressed their concerns. I have chosen to adopt this position because I believe, given the obvious benefits especially in economic development, this would be in the best interest of the Tibetan people. Furthermore, I have no intention of using any agreement on autonomy as a stepping stone for Tibet's independence.

I have conveyed these thoughts to successive Chinese leaders. In particular, following the renewal of direct contact with the Chinese government in 2002, I have explained these in detail through my envoys. Despite all this, Beijing continues to allege that my "hidden agenda" is separation and restoration of Tibet?s old socio-political system. Such a notion is unfounded and untrue.

Even in my youth, when I was compelled to take on the full responsibility of governance, I began to initiate fundamental changes in Tibet. Unfortunately, these were interrupted because of the political upheavals that took place. Nevertheless, following our arrival in India as refugees, we have democratized our political system and adopted a democratic charter that sets guidelines for our exile administration. Even our political leadership is now directly chosen by the people on a five-year term basis. Moreover, we have been able to preserve and practice most of the important aspects of our culture and spirituality in exile. This is due largely to the kindness of India and its people.

Another major concern of the Chinese government is its lack of legitimacy in Tibet. While I cannot rewrite the past, a mutually agreeable solution could bring legitimacy, and I am certainly prepared to use my position and influence among the Tibetan people to bring consensus on this question. So I would also like to restate here that I have no hidden agenda. My decision not to accept any political office in a future Tibet is final.

The Chinese authorities assert that I harbor hostility towards China and that I actively seek to undermine China's welfare. This is totally untrue. I have always encouraged world leaders to engage with China; I have supported China's entry into WTO and the awarding of summer Olympics to Beijing. I chose to do so with the hope that China would become a more open, tolerant and responsible country.

A major obstacle in our ongoing dialogue has been the conflicting perspectives on the current situation inside Tibet. So in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, my envoys in their sixth meeting with their Chinese counterparts suggested that we be given an opportunity to send study groups to look at the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of "seeking truth from facts." This could help both sides to move beyond each other's contentions.

The time has come for our dialogue with the Chinese leadership to progress towards the successful implementation of a meaningful autonomy for Tibet, as guaranteed in the Chinese constitution and detailed in the Chinese State Council "White Paper on Regional Ethnic Autonomy of Tibet." Let me take this opportunity to once again appeal to the Chinese leadership to recognize the grave problems in Tibet, the genuine grievances and deep resentments of the Tibetan people inside Tibet, and to have the courage and wisdom to address these problems realistically in the spirit of reconciliation. To you, my American friends, I appeal to you to make every effort to seek ways to help convince the Chinese leadership of my sincerity and help make our dialogue process move forward.

Since you have recognized my efforts to promote peace, understanding and nonviolence, I would like to respectfully share a few related thoughts. I believe this is precisely the time that the United States must increase its support to those efforts that help bring greater peace, understanding and harmony between peoples and cultures. As a champion of democracy and freedom, you must continue to ensure the success of those endeavors aimed at safeguarding basic human rights in the world. Another area where we need US leadership is environment. As we all know, today our earth is definitely warming up and many scientists tell us that our own action is to a large part responsible. So each one of us must, in whatever way we can, use our talents and resources to make a difference so that we can pass on to our future generations a planet that is at least safe to live on.

Many of world's problems are ultimately rooted in inequality and injustice, whether economic, political or social. Ultimately, this is a question of the wellbeing of all of us. Whether it is the suffering of poverty in one part of the world, or whether it is the denial of freedom and basic human rights in another part, we should never perceive these events in total isolation. Eventually their repercussions will be felt everywhere. I would like to appeal to you to take a leadership role in an effective international action in addressing these problems, including the huge economic imbalance. I believe the time has now come to address all these global issues from the perspective of the oneness of humanity, and from a profound understanding of the deeply interconnected nature of our today's world.

In conclusion, on behalf of six million Tibetan people, I wish to take this opportunity to recognize from the depth of my heart the support extended to us by the American people and their government. Your continued support is critical. I thank you once again for the high honor that you have bestowed on me today. Thank you.

The Dalai Lama being presented with the Congressional Gold Medal of Honor. Photo: Sonam Zoksang/ICT

The Dalai Lama with President Bush and Speaker Pelosi during the Congressional Gold Medal Ceremony, Oct. 17, 2007. Photo: Sonam Zoksang/ICT

A replica of the Congressional Gold Medal on display at the U.S. Capitol during the Congressional Gold Medal Awards Ceremony, Oct. 17, 2007. Photo: Sonam Zoksang/ICT

Reconciliation With China Urged

The Dalai Lama speaks in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

People pray to the Dalai Lama after a speech in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

The Dalai Lama shakes hands after a speech in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

The Dalai Lama with actor Richard Gere in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

The Dalai Lama stands with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

Performers stand in their costumes as they wait for the Dalai Lama to speak in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

People wave Tibetan flags as they wait for the Dalai Lama to speak in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 2007. Earlier in the day, the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal in a ceremony inside the Capitol rotunda.

His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet
October 17th, 2007

President Bush, Speaker Pelosi, Senator Byrd, my fellow Laureate Elie Wiesel, Honorable Members of Congress, Brothers and Sisters.

It is a great honor for me to receive the Congressional Gold Medal. This recognition will bring tremendous joy and encouragement to the Tibetan people, for whom I have a special responsibility. Their welfare is my constant motivation and I always consider myself as their free spokesperson. I believe that this award also sends a powerful message to those many individuals who are dedicated to promoting peace, understanding and harmony.

On a personal note, I am deeply touched that this great honor has been given to me, a Buddhist monk born of a simple family from the remote Amdo region of Tibet. As a child I grew up under the loving care of my mother, a truly compassionate woman. And after my arrival in Lhasa at the age of four, all the people around me, my teachers and even the housekeepers, taught me what it means to be kind, honest, and caring. It is in such an environment that I grew up. Later my formal education in Buddhist thought exposed me to concepts such as interdependence and the human potential for infinite compassion. It is these that gave me a profound recognition of the importance of universal responsibility, nonviolence, and inter-religious understanding. Today, it is a conviction in these values that gives me the powerful motivation to promote basic human values. Even in my own struggle for the rights and greater freedom of the Tibetan people, these values continue to guide my commitment to pursuing a nonviolent path.

I have had the honor to be in this hall once before when I visited your country in 1991. Many of the faces that welcomed me then, I can see today, which gives me great joy. Many have retired and some are sadly no longer with us. However, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize their kindness and contribution. Our American friends have stood with us in the most critical of times and under most intense pressure.

Mr. President, thank you for your strong support, and for the warm friendship that Mrs. Bush and you have extended to me personally. I am deeply grateful to you for your sympathy and support for Tibet, and your firm stand on religious freedom and the cause of democracy.

Madam Speaker, you have not only extended an unwavering support to me and the just cause of the Tibetan people, you have also worked hard to promote the cause of democracy, freedom and the respect for human rights in other parts of the world. For this, I would like to offer my special thanks.

The consistency of American support for Tibet has not gone unnoticed in China. Where this has caused some tension in the US-China relations, I feel a sense of regret. Today, I wish to share with you all my sincere hope that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of common interests.

Today we watch China as it rapidly moves forward. Economic liberalization has led to wealth, modernization and great power. I believe that today's economic success of both India and China, the two most populated nations with long history of rich culture, is most deserving. With their new-found status, both of these two countries are poised to play important leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfill this role, I believe it is vital for China to have transparency, rule of law and freedom of information. Much of the world is waiting to see how China's concepts of "harmonious society" and "peaceful rise" would unfold. Today's China, being a state of many nationalities, a key factor here would be how it ensures the harmony and unity of its various peoples. For this, the equality and the rights of these nationalities to maintain their distinct identities are crucial.

With respect to my own homeland Tibet, today many people, both from inside and outside, feel deeply concerned about the consequences of the rapid changes taking place. Every year, the Chinese population inside Tibet is increasing at an alarming rate. And, if we are to judge by the example of the population of Lhasa, there is a real danger that the Tibetans will be reduced to an insignificant minority in their own homeland. This rapid increase in population is also posing serious threat to Tibet's fragile environment. Being the source of many of Asia's great rivers, any substantial disturbance in Tibet's ecology will impact the lives of hundreds of millions. Furthermore, being situated between India and China, the peaceful resolution of the Tibet problem also has important implications for lasting peace and friendly relation between these two great neighbors.

On the future of Tibet, let me take this opportunity to restate categorically that I am not seeking independence. I am seeking a meaningful autonomy for the Tibetan people within the People's Republic of China. If the real concern of the Chinese leadership is the unity and stability of PRC, I have fully addressed their concerns. I have chosen to adopt this position because I believe, given the obvious benefits especially in economic development, this would be in the best interest of the Tibetan people. Furthermore, I have no intention of using any agreement on autonomy as a stepping stone for Tibet's independence.

I have conveyed these thoughts to successive Chinese leaders. In particular, following the renewal of direct contact with the Chinese government in 2002, I have explained these in detail through my envoys. Despite all this, Beijing continues to allege that my "hidden agenda" is separation and restoration of Tibet?s old socio-political system. Such a notion is unfounded and untrue.

Even in my youth, when I was compelled to take on the full responsibility of governance, I began to initiate fundamental changes in Tibet. Unfortunately, these were interrupted because of the political upheavals that took place. Nevertheless, following our arrival in India as refugees, we have democratized our political system and adopted a democratic charter that sets guidelines for our exile administration. Even our political leadership is now directly chosen by the people on a five-year term basis. Moreover, we have been able to preserve and practice most of the important aspects of our culture and spirituality in exile. This is due largely to the kindness of India and its people.

Another major concern of the Chinese government is its lack of legitimacy in Tibet. While I cannot rewrite the past, a mutually agreeable solution could bring legitimacy, and I am certainly prepared to use my position and influence among the Tibetan people to bring consensus on this question. So I would also like to restate here that I have no hidden agenda. My decision not to accept any political office in a future Tibet is final.

The Chinese authorities assert that I harbor hostility towards China and that I actively seek to undermine China's welfare. This is totally untrue. I have always encouraged world leaders to engage with China; I have supported China's entry into WTO and the awarding of summer Olympics to Beijing. I chose to do so with the hope that China would become a more open, tolerant and responsible country.

A major obstacle in our ongoing dialogue has been the conflicting perspectives on the current situation inside Tibet. So in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, my envoys in their sixth meeting with their Chinese counterparts suggested that we be given an opportunity to send study groups to look at the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of "seeking truth from facts." This could help both sides to move beyond each other's contentions.

The time has come for our dialogue with the Chinese leadership to progress towards the successful implementation of a meaningful autonomy for Tibet, as guaranteed in the Chinese constitution and detailed in the Chinese State Council "White Paper on Regional Ethnic Autonomy of Tibet." Let me take this opportunity to once again appeal to the Chinese leadership to recognize the grave problems in Tibet, the genuine grievances and deep resentments of the Tibetan people inside Tibet, and to have the courage and wisdom to address these problems realistically in the spirit of reconciliation. To you, my American friends, I appeal to you to make every effort to seek ways to help convince the Chinese leadership of my sincerity and help make our dialogue process move forward.

Since you have recognized my efforts to promote peace, understanding and nonviolence, I would like to respectfully share a few related thoughts. I believe this is precisely the time that the United States must increase its support to those efforts that help bring greater peace, understanding and harmony between peoples and cultures. As a champion of democracy and freedom, you must continue to ensure the success of those endeavors aimed at safeguarding basic human rights in the world. Another area where we need US leadership is environment. As we all know, today our earth is definitely warming up and many scientists tell us that our own action is to a large part responsible. So each one of us must, in whatever way we can, use our talents and resources to make a difference so that we can pass on to our future generations a planet that is at least safe to live on.

Many of world's problems are ultimately rooted in inequality and injustice, whether economic, political or social. Ultimately, this is a question of the wellbeing of all of us. Whether it is the suffering of poverty in one part of the world, or whether it is the denial of freedom and basic human rights in another part, we should never perceive these events in total isolation. Eventually their repercussions will be felt everywhere. I would like to appeal to you to take a leadership role in an effective international action in addressing these problems, including the huge economic imbalance. I believe the time has now come to address all these global issues from the perspective of the oneness of humanity, and from a profound understanding of the deeply interconnected nature of our today's world.

In conclusion, on behalf of six million Tibetan people, I wish to take this opportunity to recognize from the depth of my heart the support extended to us by the American people and their government. Your continued support is critical. I thank you once again for the high honor that you have bestowed on me today. Thank you.

Elated Tenzin Dolma of Dharamsala acknowledges her wellwishers' applauses after she was crowned Miss Tibet 2007. Dolma will participate in the Miss earth pageant this year. 14 October 2007/Photo:Tenzin Choejor
[Monday, October 15, 2007, Phayul]

Elated Tenzin Dolma of Dharamsala acknowledges her wellwishers' applauses after she was crowned Miss Tibet 2007, as her predecessor Tsering Chungtak looks on. Dolma will participate in the Miss earth pageant this year. 14 October 2007/Photo:Tenzin Dasel /phayul
[Monday, October 15, 2007, Phayul]

ERITREA COMES LAST, REPLACING NORTH KOREA, WHILE
CHINA AND BURMA STILL RANK NEAR BOTTOM

G8 members, except Russia, recover lost ground

Eritrea has replaced North Korea in last place in
an index measuring the level of press freedom in
169 countries throughout the world that is
published today by Reporters Without Borders for
the sixth year running.

"There is nothing surprising about this,"
Reporters Without Borders said. "Even if we are
not aware of all the press freedom violations in
North Korea and Turkmenistan, which are second
and third from last, Eritrea deserves to be at
the bottom. The privately-owned press has been
banished by the authoritarian President Issaias
Afeworki and the few journalists who dare to
criticise the regime are thrown in prison. We
know that four of them have died in detention and
we have every reason to fear that others will
suffer the same fate."

Outside Europe - in which the top 14 countries
are located - no region of the world has been
spared censorship or violence towards journalists.

Of the 20 countries at the bottom of the index,
seven are Asian (Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Laos,
Vietnam, China, Burma, and North Korea), five are
African (Ethiopia, Equatorial Guinea, Libya,
Somalia and Eritrea), four are in the Middle East
(Syria, Iraq, Palestinian Territories and Iran),
three are former Soviet republics (Belarus,
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan) and one is in the
Americas (Cuba).

"We are particularly disturbed by the situation
in Burma (164th)," Reporters Without Borders
said. "The military junta's crackdown on
demonstrations bodes ill for the future of basic
freedoms in this country. Journalists continue to
work under the yoke of harsh censorship from
which nothing escapes, not even small ads. We
also regret that China (163rd) stagnates near the
bottom of the index. With less than a year to go
to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the reforms and the
releases of imprisoned journalists so often
promised by the authorities seem to be a vain
hope."

Military coups hit freedoms

Military coups that were supposed to restore
democratic order in Thailand (135th) and Fiji
(107th) in fact led to a deterioration in the
situation of the news media. The Bangkok-based
media continue to be relatively free, but the
military prevented the deposed prime minister's
supporters from launching a TV station, and
several website editors and bloggers were
arrested. In Fiji, there were several weeks of
tension between the army and journalists, and a
foreign reporter was expelled. Thereafter, the
pressure focused on those voicing criticism
online.

Pakistan (152nd) continues to get a low ranking.
All authority is concentrated in the army, led by
Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who seized power in a coup
in 1999. The privately-owned TV stations were
prevented from working freely and dozens of
reporters were beaten and arrested during a
crisis precipitated by Musharraf's dismissal of
the supreme court president.

War and peace

War is largely responsible for the low position
assigned to some countries. The increase in
fighting in Somalia (159th) and Sri Lanka (156th)
has made it very hard for journalists to work.
Several have been killed and censorship was
stepped up as clashes became frequent. The
belligerents refuse to recognise journalists'
rights and accuse them of supporting the other
side.

In Afghanistan (142nd), the threats initially
came from the Taliban and their allies. An
Italian reporter's driver and fixer were beheaded
by one of Mullah Omar's lieutenants, while
several radio stations were attacked by armed
groups. Weakened by the fighting and corruption,
the government showed signs of nervousness.
Several journalists were arrested by the
intelligence services on trumped-up charges.

As predicted last year, Nepal (137th) has surged
more than 20 places in the ranking. The end of
the war and the return to democratic rule
resulted in a revival of basic freedoms and
created new space for the media. But ethnic
violence in the south of the country exposed
journalists to new dangers.

Unexpected improvements

Cambodia (85th) climbed a few rungs thanks to the
government's decision to decriminalize press
offences. No journalist was imprisoned. But some
journalists were targeted by death threats,
especially when they covered corruption.

Philippines (128th) had fewer murders than in
previous years. And President Gloria Arroyo's
associates brought fewer defamation actions
against journalists and news media.

G8 members, except Russia, show slight improvement

After falling steadily in the index for the past
three years, the G8 members have recovered a few
places. France (31st), for example, has climbed
six places in the past year. French journalists
were spared the violence that affected them at
the end of 2005 in a labour conflict in Corsica
and during the demonstrations in the city
suburbs. But many concerns remain about repeated
censorship, searches of news organisations, and a
lack of guarantees for the confidentiality of
journalists' sources.

There were slightly fewer press freedom
violations in the United States (48th) and
blogger Josh Wolf was freed after 224 days in
prison. But the detention of Al-Jazeera's
Sudanese cameraman, Sami Al-Haj, since 13 June
2002 at the military base of Guantanamo and the
murder of Chauncey Bailey in Oakland in August
mean the United States is still unable to join
the lead group.

Italy (35th) has also stopped its fall, even if
journalists continue to be under threat from
mafia groups that prevent them from working in
complete safety. Japan (37th) has seen a letup in
attacks on the press by militant nationalists,
and this has allowed it to recover 14 places.

"These developments are good news," Reporters
Without Borders said. "Perhaps the repeated calls
to these democracies to behave in an exemplary
manner has finally borne fruit. But we must
remain careful and vigilant. Nothing can be taken
for granted and we hope this trend will continue
or even accentuate near year. We regret all the
same that only two G8 members, Canada (18th) and
Germany (20th), managed to be among the top 20."

Russia (144th) is not progressing. Anna
Politkovskaya's murder in October 2006, the
failure to punish those responsible for murdering
journalists, and the still glaring lack of
diversity in the media, especially the broadcast
media, weighed heavily in the evaluation of press
freedom in Russia.

Government repression no longer ignores bloggers

The Internet is occupying more and more space in
the breakdown of press freedom violations.
Several countries fell in the ranking this year
because of serious, repeated violations of the
free flow of online news and information.

In Malaysia (124th), Thailand (135th), Vietnam
(162nd) and Egypt (146th), for example, bloggers
were arrested and news websites were closed or
made inaccessible. "We are concerned about the
increase in cases of online censorship,"
Reporters Without Borders said. "More and more
governments have realised that the Internet can
play a key role in the fight for democracy and
they are establishing new methods of censoring
it. The governments of repressive countries are
now targeting bloggers and online journalists as
forcefully as journalists in the traditional
media."

At least 64 persons are currently imprisoned
worldwide because of what they posted on the
Internet. China maintains its leadership in this
form of repression, with a total of 50
cyber-dissidents in prison. Eight are being held
in Vietnam. A young man known as Kareem Amer was
sentenced to four years in prison in Egypt for
blog posts criticising the president and Islamist
control of the country's universities.


Reporters Without Borders compiled this index by
sending a questionnaire to the 15 freedom of
expression organisations throughout the world
that are its partners, to its network of 130
correspondents, and to journalists, researchers,
jurists and human rights activists. It contained
50 questions about press freedom in their
countries. The index covers 169 nations. Other
countries were not included because of lack of
data.

The Washington Times:

By Jon Ward
October 17, 2007

President Bush yesterday held a low-profile meeting at the White House with the Dalai Lama as his administration tried to avoid further aggravating Chinese officials, who are incensed that the president will appear publicly today with the exiled Tibetan Buddhist leader.

Mr. Bush met with the 14th Dalai Lama — also known as Tenzin Gyatso — around midday for about a half-hour in the White House residence and today will attend a ceremony at the Capitol, where the Tibetan leader will receive the Congressional Gold Medal.

Communist leaders in China regard the 72-year-old Dalai Lama as a separatist from China who has betrayed the Buddhist faith. One official yesterday said the Chinese are "furious," and China's foreign minister demanded that the award ceremony be canceled.

The Dalai Lama laughed off the diplomatic tensions as he returned to his downtown hotel.

"That always happens," he said of Chinese objections, and at one point playfully patted a reporter on the cheek in response to a question about what he would say to Chinese President Hu Jintao.

"You are not a representative of Hu Jintao," he told the reporter.

The Dalai Lama yesterday dismissed reports of Chinese objections to his meeting with President Bush, saying, "That always happens."

The Buddhist leader said that he and Mr. Bush "know each other, and we have developed, I think, a very close friendship — something like a reunion of one family."

White House staff were tight-lipped about yesterday's meeting, refusing to specify where in the residence Mr. Bush and the Dalai Lama met or what they talked about. They also didn't release a photograph of the meeting, which they have done for previous meetings between the two men.

International Campaign for Tibet
October 8th, 2007

Tensions have increased in the Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi) area of eastern Tibet, present-day Sichuan province, with the execution of a Tibetan prisoner that may be linked to the political crackdown following a protest in support of the Dalai Lama by nomad Runggye Adak in August.

This report documents the following new developments in the region:

• Further detentions of Tibetans, including a young art teacher, local nomad who expressed support for Runggye Adak and the Dalai Lama, and a senior monk respected for his commitment to Tibetan education, in the Lithang area
• An increased and intimidating military presence in the two neighboring counties of Lithang and Kardze, both in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (in the Tibetan area of Kham)
• An intensified political campaign that requires Tibetan monks, nuns, laypeople and children to denounce the Dalai Lama. The stepping up of this anti-Dalai Lama campaign in the region coincides with a period when the Dalai Lama himself is increasingly received by world leaders and respected for his leadership on peace and non-violence.

Kardze Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan Province. Map: Human Rights Watch report: 'Trials of a Tibetan Monk: The Case of Tenzin Delek Rinpoche'http://hrw.org/reports/2004/china0204/

The execution of Kunjam

According to reports received by ICT, a Tibetan named Kunjam was executed on or around September 14 in Lithang (Chinese: Litang). Kunjam had initially been detained in 2003, because of his involvement in a fight with two Chinese men over an issue of land according to one report from a Tibetan source. The two Chinese men were apparently investigating the possibility of mineral extraction at a local mountain that is regarded by Tibetans as a holy site. Although the full circumstances are not known, it appears that one of the Chinese men was killed and Kunjam was linked to the death and imprisoned. It is not known if he was initially sentenced to death. But reports received by ICT indicate that his execution was hasty and unexpected, and may have been linked to the authorities’ hardline approach towards political dissent in his local area through August and September.

The current crackdown in Lithang follows the protest by nomad Runggye Adak in front of an audience of thousands at the Lithang horse racing festival on August 1. In an apparently unconnected incident, a fortnight before Runggye Adak’ protest, the wording ‘Complete independence’ (Tibetan: ‘Rang Btsan Gtsang Ma’) had been written on the entrance gate to the festival area.

Tibetans in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (in the Tibetan region of Kham) are known for their strong sense of Tibetan identity and nationalism; many Khampas were involved in resistance to the Chinese invasion in 1949-50. Hardline Chinese campaigns against the Dalai Lama and economic policies that have led to the loss of their land and livelihoods as well as the extraction of minerals by Chinese prospectors have caused deep resentment in the region. The recent intensification of restrictions on religious expression, and the requirement to denounce the Dalai Lama, have compounded frustration in the region and appear to be increasing the likelihood of Tibetans taking risks to express their discontent.

The stepping up of an anti-Dalai Lama campaign in the neighboring counties of Lithang and Kardze, with more stringent requirements than usual for both the monastic community and laypeople to denounce their religious leader, coincides with a period when the Dalai Lama himself is increasingly respected on the world stage for his leadership on peace and non-violence. Next week, on October 17, U.S. President Bush will become the first sitting U.S. President to meet the Dalai Lama publicly, when the Dalai Lama is honored with the Congressional Gold Medal in Washington, DC. On September 23, German Chancellor Angela Merkel met the Dalai Lama in Berlin, becoming the first German chancellor to do so despite stern reprimands from Beijing and warnings that it could damage economic contacts. Austrian Chancellor Alfred Gusenbauer has also recently met the Dalai Lama, and Canada’s Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, has announced his intention to meet the exiled Tibetan leader despite objections from China.

Detentions and crackdown in Lithang following local nomad’s protest

The detention of an art and music teacher at Lithang Middle School called Kunkhyen at the end of August appears to have followed a systematic investigation of local people suspected of being loyal to the Dalai Lama or of supporting the views expressed by Runggye Adak, who is still in detention after his protest. (See ICT reports at: http://www.savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=1160). Kunkhyen, who is in his early thirties, is a popular local musician and artist known for his skill on the Tibetan stringed instrument the ‘dranyan’, and for painting murals in some of the local monasteries. His current whereabouts are unknown.

Sources report aggressive searches of the residences of relatives and associates of 53-year Runggye Adak, a father of 11 children and respected figure in his nomadic community.

Runggye Adak’s nephew, Lupoe, a senior monk at Lithang monastery, was detained on August 21, according to reports. Two of Rungyye Adak’s other nephews were detained just before Lupoe and apparently beaten severely before being released. Lupoe’s current whereabouts are unknown, but local people fear that he may face serious charges, possibly due to the position he took on the protest of Runggye Adak. Local police pasted posters in the town after Lupoe’s detention announcing the detention of ‘several’ individuals, and warning that anyone who attempted to help them or petition on their behalf would also be imprisoned.

Lupoe, who is in his early forties, is respected in the local area for his Buddhist scholarship and for his concern about the Tibetan education of young people. He was involved in the administration of the monastery, which is now a target for increasingly repressive political campaigns. His detention appears to follow a pattern that has been observed in Tibet in recent years, of detaining senior Tibetan monks who have influence in the wider monastic and lay community, and who are believed to be loyal to the Dalai Lama. Often these individuals - such as Geshe Sonam Phuntsog, for example, who was tortured and sentenced to five years in prison from November 2004 after holding a long life prayer puja for the Dalai Lama (see ICT report http://www.savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=338) - have been under observation by the authorities for some time.

ICT has also received reports of the detention of a Tibetan nomad in his early thirties from Lithang called Jarib Lothog in a hotel room in Chengdu, which may be linked to local peoples’ expressions of concern for Runggye Adak. Full details of the reason for his detention and his current whereabouts are not known.

The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), based in Dharamsala, India, reported on September 28 that a senior monk at Lithang monastery, Lobsang Phuntsog, was detained on September 15 following a raid carried out in his monastery residence by Lithang County Public Security Bureau (PSB) officials (TCHRD report, September 28, http://www.tchrd.org). Thirty year old Lobsang Phuntsog was ordained as a monk at Lithang while in his teens and according to the same report excelled in the art of monastic dance (Cham).

TCHRD also reported the detention of a Tibetan nomad in his twenties called Adruk Kalgyam, after he expressed support for Runggye Adak and for the Dalai Lama during a public meeting called by local officials in his local area of Lithang on September 2 (TCHRD, October 8).

Witnessing Runggye Adak’s protest

Runggye Adak, who staged the protest at the Lithang horse festival in front of an audience of thousands, was originally detained in the police detention center in Lithang town, but has reportedly been moved closer to the provincial capital of Chengdu. Immediately after his detention, local Tibetans and nomads in the area for the summer horse festival, where he made his protest, crowded into the courtyard of the police station to protest his detention before being dispersed. Several days afterwards, Tibetans gathered outside the town were dispersed by riot police using tear-gas and firing guns into the air (images were provided to ICT by a visitor to the area, see ICT report at http://www.savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=1160).

An eyewitness to Runggye Adak’s protest told ICT: "I saw him walk onto the stage, which was full of Chinese military and officials during an official ceremony. He was very calm, very dignified and he spoke clearly. I couldn’t understand what he was saying because I don’t know the Kham dialect, but I could see Tibetans around me shaking their heads in sadness, because they were fearful for him, and others openly agreeing with him."

During his protest, which emphasized the importance of the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet, Runggye Adak reportedly also called for the release of senior monk Tenzin Deleg Rinpoche, also from the Lithang area, who is serving a life sentence on charges of inciting ‘separatism’. Tenzin Deleg Rinpoche is widely respected in Lithang; before his imprisonment, he pioneered the development of Tibetan social and cultural institutions, brought schools and medical facilities to the local community, and attempted to limit the exploitation of the area’s natural resources. His imprisonment continues to be deeply resented in the area and his welfare is of continued concern to Tibetans in Lithang and elsewhere.

Campaign against the Dalai Lama stepped up - intensification of ‘patriotic education’ in Kardze

There has been a buildup of hundreds of troops in Lithang county, particularly in the main Lithang town, in recent weeks. A high-ranking Chinese official together with security personnel and other Chinese cadres have also arrived in Lithang, according to Tibetan sources. At least two senior Tibetan leaders in Lithang who work for the local government have lost their jobs, which sources say could be indicative of distrust at higher levels of their ability to remain loyal to government rulings at a time of intensified oppression of local people.

Local people have been required to make denunciations of the Dalai Lama and of Runggye Adak’s protest, while children in local schools have been asked to write essays denouncing the Dalai Lama and his ‘separatist clique’.

According to reports from sources close to unfolding events in the area, Chinese cadres have presided over political sessions in Lithang monastery, and in local government offices as well as with leaders of nomad groups. During these meetings, Tibetans have been told that they must denounce the Dalai Lama or risk imprisonment. One Tibetan source said: "The main points of the meeting are always the same: denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama, oppose the ‘separatist clique’, of which Runggye Adak is said to be a part, and finally, to be grateful to the Communist government." The same source added that armed military personnel have been present at many of the meetings in order to increase levels of intimidation.

An American Buddhist scholar and practitioner who has traveled frequently to Tibet told ICT: "It is devastating for a Tibetan to be required to denounce the Dalai Lama. A basic vow of a Tibetan monk, nun, or lay practitioner is to deeply respect and always maintain a heart connection with the teacher. When Tibetans denounce the Dalai Lama, they feel as though they are breaking that heart connection, that critical link, to their root guru and most important teacher. It is one thing for Chinese officials to denigrate the Dalai Lama in front of Tibetans, but it is immensely distressing for Tibetans to be forced to do so themselves."

Government representatives have reportedly told Tibetan cadres there that if they continue to serve the government loyally they will be rewarded with increased salaries, and that they should never be ‘deceived’ by the Dalai Lama.

During one meeting last week, a senior Tibetan monk at Lithang monastery reportedly refused to denounce the Dalai Lama. There are reports from the area of other refusals from Tibetans to submit to the demands of the cadres carrying out the patriotic education sessions. Feelings are running high in the area, and some sources have expressed fears that the crackdown may worsen due to the confrontational strategies used by the authorities.

Officials carrying out a new ‘patriotic education’ campaign in Lithang from the first week of September have warned local people that they must not keep any photographs of the Dalai Lama on their home shrine or in monasteries, and that government workers could risk losing their jobs if they worship at local monasteries. (TCHRD report, September 28, 2007). A Tibetan visitor to Lithang monastery soon after Runggye Adak’s detention reported the atmosphere to be "fearful and tense". More than 500 monks live at Lithang monastery, which is one of the most important religious centers in the area, with hundreds more living in satellite monasteries in close proximity.

According to information received by ICT, several weeks before Runggye Adak’s protest, the Chinese authorities circulated a petition at Lithang monastery for monks to sign saying that they did not want the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet. A Tibetan who visited the area this summer and spoke to monks told ICT that this was a deeply provocative act: "It seems that most of the local population knew about this petition being circulated by officials, and it caused an increase in tension and anxiety, because Tibetans in this area revere His Holiness."

"If you are with the Chinese government, there should not be space for Dalai Lama in your heart"

Since the incident, it has become increasingly dangerous for Tibetans to speak about the situation due to increased security in the area and the authorities' attempts to prevent news about the unrest reaching the outside world. Telephone calls to and from Lithang have been subject to extra monitoring during the past few weeks, and Tibetans are being threatened with repercussions if they speak about the incident and the detentions to anyone.

A Tibetan from the area who is now in exile told ICT: "Officials in Lithang have been showing footage [during political education sessions] that supposedly demonstrates the brutality of the Tibetan social system before the Chinese liberated Tibetans from the chains of the ‘feudal masters’. The conclusion that is meant to be drawn from these programs is that the current prosperity Tibetans enjoy is solely because Tibetans are liberated from the feudal and brutal old system by the Communist government. If the liberation had not occurred, Tibetans would be still suffering and backward as before. They have also shown some photos of well known prisoners like Tulku Tenzin Delek Rinpoche saying if Tibetans continue to express dissent, they will be jailed just like him and other prisoners."

The same source continued: "They tell us that if you are with the Chinese government than there should not be space for Dalai Lama in your heart. These campaigns are aimed at changing peoples’ minds, and when they can’t coerce people into submission they just arrest them. It is supposed to go on till they get a clear answer from the public on the proposed choice - the Party or the Dalai Lama. The people of Lithang are facing a difficult dilemma and are under increasing pressure and restriction. I personally believe that the situation might escalate and become very serious."

Despite the atmosphere of oppression, Tibetans appear to have been determined to express their views peacefully and without using violence. The same source told ICT: "The courage of Tibetans inside Tibet should never be forgotten and the will and determination in Tibetan people’s hearts should not diminish. As per Runggye Adak’s wish, we should resort to peaceful and non-violent ways to improve the relationship between Tibetans and Chinese so that Tibetans in exile and in Tibet will see the day of reunion soon. That way, Tibetans in Tibet will have the opportunity to see His Holiness the Dalai Lama."

Climate of fear in Kardze monastery after official clampdown

The same hardline and confrontational strategies have been adopted with monks and local people in another important monastery, Kardze monastery in Kardze county, north of Lithang and also in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. In early June, an official 'work team' arrived at the monastery and warned monks that images of the Dalai Lama were not allowed to be displayed in monks' rooms, and that if any monks were reported to be engaging in 'splittist activities', the monastery would be closed down.

While the monks were ordered to gather and sit in the main courtyard, a number of officials searched the premises and confiscated some photographs of the Dalai Lama. Before the team left the monastery, monks were instructed on respecting the laws of the country and given a copy of regulations for religious practice that were published in 2004 in a booklet titled ‘Regulations concerning religious affairs’.

During the Lithang Horse Festival, a fortnight before Runggye Adak made his protest in August, the wording ‘Complete independence’ (Tibetan: Rang Btsan Gtsang Ma’) was written on the entrance gate to the horse race festival area. Following this incident, several hundred soldiers and police apparently arrived in Kardze town, and a large number of them stayed at Kardze monastery, in what appears to be an intimidatory measure. Scribbling Tibetan pro-independence or pro-Dalai Lama graffiti can lead to imprisonment and torture; four Tibetan schoolboys are currently in custody in a Tibetan area of Gansu province, for being suspected of the same offence in an incident in early September (see ICT report at: http://www.savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=1170). The military personnel took over hotels and guest-houses in the town, requiring all other guests to leave. They stayed in Kardze for around 10 days.

According to information obtained by ICT, at present, monks at Kardze are subject to even more rigorous checks and psychological pressure than normal. Police regularly search their rooms for pictures of the Dalai Lama or the Panchen Lama (Gendun Choekyi Nyima, who has been in Chinese custody since 1995). According to the same report, the monks experience almost constant tension and anxiety, and are frequently fearful that they may be imprisoned if they say something wrong at the wrong time.

In 2006, the Public Security Bureau opened an office in the monastery staffed by a Chinese director and four Tibetan officials. The officials make enquiries as to monks' whereabouts, monitor what monks read and write, and check the backgrounds of monks who apply to join the monastery. This is done systematically through a registration form specifically designed for visiting monks. In filling in the registration form, the monks are requested to provide full and detailed information about their origins and family, as well as giving facts about their home monastery, major teachers, and the reasons for their visit.

Dalai Lama loyalty expressed at local festivals

Both instances of dissent described in this report - Runggye Adak’s protest, and the pro-independence wording on the entrance gate - occurred during the Lithang Horse Festival, which is one of the major summer festivals in Tibet, attracting many international tourists as well as Tibetan local people and Chinese visitors. In recent years the Chinese authorities have used these festivals as a showcase for the presentation of ‘exotic’ Tibetan traditional culture, as part of a process by the Chinese government in Tibet of appropriating traditional culture and commercializing it.

This has included encouraging - or requiring - Tibetans to adorn themselves with expensive furs such as robes made of pelts from endangered animals such as tigers or leopards. But following a proclamation from the Dalai Lama condemning the wearing of animal furs, many Tibetans in the area have pointedly stopped wearing such adornments. In many areas, there has been the burning of wild animal pelts often worth thousands of yuan - often the equivalent to Tibetans of Westerners burning their cars or houses. (See ICT report at: http://www.savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=910.

A Tibetan source who traveled in the area in summer said: "I have seen pictures and video of the Lithang festival before His Holiness made the comments about wearing furs [in January 2006], and so many Tibetans were wearing fur."

The same observer who witnessed Runggye Adak’s protest confirmed to ICT that he saw "virtually no one" wearing wild animal pelts, despite official encouragement for them to do so.

In some cases, officials have threatened not to pay performers if they didn’t wear wild animal pelts. At one festival, the ‘Kampa Arts Festival’ in Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai Province, most or all of the performers were wearing fur and skins, mainly otter, leopard and tiger. According to a blog written by a Tibetan writer in Chinese: "Photographers from the mainland pressed forward when people with more fur adornments appeared, as though they wanted to say that this was indeed Tibetan culture, and that showing off so much fur was an indication of Tibetan people’s wealth. I asked a young child who was performing why he was wearing furs: ‘It’s a political duty. If we don’t wear fur it’s a political crime.’"

The same website also reported that officials who didn’t wear fur could be sacked, that herders and peasants who were performing could be docked their 50 yuan ($6) a day for the period of rehearsal for not wearing fur, and others said they could be fined for not wearing fur. The writer commented: "Obviously wearing fur has become an expression of one’s political standpoint, and the high officials on their platform were watching to see which people from which parts of Tibet had ‘political consciousness’. But the people watching the performances were wearing considerably less fur than in previous years; many wore colorful cotton where once they wore fur trim." (http://woeser.middle-way.net/?action=show&id=191)

The same writer said: "It’s worth pointing out that at the closing ceremony [of the Festival], when all of the performers were once again walking around the performance area, I heard a loud voice from within the crowd shout ‘Leopard skins and tiger fur is shameful!’ Even three Tibetan officials on duty were brave enough to say that the Dalai Lama’s call was because he loves the people and treasures the environment."

The Chinese writer Wang Lixiong has also commented about the issue on a website, saying that the reason why more and more people were wearing fur - prompting the Dalai Lama to call on people to stop - is that the Chinese government is attempting to attract investment by popularizing images of Khampas wearing wild animal pelts at these festivals. Tibetans are an extremely compassionate people for whom killing wild animals is taboo, Wang wrote on April 20, and governments should realize when they put culture on an economic ‘stage’ that culture becomes corrupted.

The Tibetan visitor to Lithang and Kardze, who traveled widely through the region and is now in the U.S, said: "Tibetans in Kardze and throughout eastern Tibet long and pray to see His Holiness back in Tibet. Not wearing wild animal pelts at the festivals despite official encouragement to do so is one way of expressing that devotion. One Tibetan living in a very Sinicized area of Sichuan close to Chengdu had the courage to confide in me, with tears in his eyes, that he and every Tibetan prayed for one thing deep in their hearts, and that was to see His Holiness. Almost every Tibetan, rich, poor, educated, illiterate, well-known or not, shared this sentiment. I think the Chinese government is trying to project an image of economic progress in Tibet and saying that Tibetans do not want the Dalai Lama to return as he represents the old ways, and is against modernization. I talked to a few Chinese who believe this strongly and think that Tibetans in Tibet are losing faith in the Dalai Lama. It is not true."

Kunkhyen, an art and music teacher at Lithang Middle School, was detained by authorities in late August.

Lupoe, a senior monk at Lithang Monastery and nephew of Runngye Adak, was detained on August 21 after calling for the release of Runngye Adak.